2001
Liberalisation of financial markets: is everybody enjoying the game?
Marina Ponti; Davide Zanoni
Mani Tese; University of Castellanza-LIUC
Globalisation of the world economy is proceeding at a rapid pace, particularly in the arena of international finance. The presumed virtues of globalisation, however, are far from materialising and being fairly distributed among nations.The opening of domestic capital markets to foreign investment is still a relevant component of the “Washington consensus”, although many experts argue that free mobility of private capital in the 1990s was one of the major causes of the financial crises in emerging markets.
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The liberalisation of capital accounts brings equal
benefits to both developed and developing countries only theoretically. In
practice it leads to increasing benefits for
western investors and banks that can take advantage of expanded opportunities
for portfolio diversification and the efficient allocation of global savings and
investment. It also offers broader investment and risk-diversification
opportunities to creditor countries at a time when their ageing populations with
growing pension funds seek higher returns on their investments.
A country can take advantage of greater capital
mobility only when its domestic financial market is sufficiently structured.
Therefore, while an open capital account is a positive instrument for
financially developed countries, countries with emerging markets and economies
in transition are constantly being undermined by uncontrolled and unexpected
capital flight and by sudden and unsound deregulation and liberalisation
policies. As a result, greater capital mobility brings high costs and limited
benefits to countries with emerging markets who lack sound, modern national
financial institutions and are vulnerable to the volatility of financial flows.
The
financial crises in the 1990s showed that the liberalisation process is
disastrous when it is not properly managed. Liberalisation can be extremely
costly and highly dangerous in countries that do not have proper bank regulatory
and supervisory structures, well-functioning legal and judicial systems, and
adequate safeguards against highly risky and unethical behaviour. Unfortunately,
these measures are far from being implemented in emerging countries. Despite
their importance, such measures are unlikely to be implemented in the near term
because of the complex processes involved.
There are temporary measures,
however, that can be taken to protect vulnerable national economies from
financial instability before strong financial structures are in place. Amongst
others, these include limits on loan-to-value ratios and consumer credit,
maximum repayment periods and minimum down-payment percentages. Additional
measures that reduce vulnerability of national financial systems include
restrictions on foreign-denominated debt and prudential controls to limit
capital inflows.
Chile’s experience with
capital controls in the 1990s is a concrete example of such a temporary measure.
Chile introduced restrictions on capital inflows in June 1991. Initially, all
portfolio inflows were subject to a 20% reserve deposit with no interest. For
maturities of less than one year, the deposits applied for the duration of the
inflow, while for longer maturities the reserve requirement was for one year. In
July 1992, the rate of the reserve requirement was raised to 30%, and its
holding period was set at one year, independently of the length of the flow. The
results achieved so far by the authorities with this policy have been:
·
a decrease in the volume of
short-term inflows and an increase of longer maturities. As shown in Table 1,
the reduction in shorter-term flows was fully compensated by equivalent
increases in longer-term capital inflows. Thus, aggregate capital inflows to
Chile were not decreased by capital controls!;
·
a decrease of the country’s
vulnerability to international financial instability;
·
the ability of the central
bank to implement an independent monetary policy (despite the presence of pegged
exchange rates) and to maintain a high differential between domestic and
international interest rates.
Table 1.
Capital Inflows (gross) to
Chile (USD millions)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Year
|
Short-term
flows
|
Percentage
of
total
|
Long-term
flows
|
Percentage
of total
|
Total
|
Deposits*
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1988
|
916,564
|
96.3
|
34,838
|
3.7
|
951,402
|
/
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1989
|
1,452,595
|
95.0
|
77,122
|
5.0
|
1,529,717
|
/
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1990
|
1,683,149
|
90.3
|
181,419
|
9.7
|
1,864,568
|
/
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1991
|
521,198
|
72.7
|
196,115
|
27.3
|
717,313
|
587
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1992
|
225,197
|
28.9
|
554,072
|
71.1
|
779,269
|
11,424
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1993
|
159,462
|
23.6
|
515,147
|
76.4
|
674,609
|
41,280
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1994
|
161,575
|
16.5
|
819,699
|
83.5
|
981,274
|
87,039
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1995
|
69,675
|
6.2
|
1,051,829
|
93.8
|
1,121,504
|
38,752
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1996
|
67,254
|
3.2
|
2,042,456
|
96.8
|
2,109,710
|
172,320
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1997
|
81,131
|
2.8
|
2,805,882
|
97.2
|
2,887,013
|
331,572
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
*
Deposits in the Banco Chile due to reserve requirements.
|
|
Source:
Central Bank of Chile.
|
|
This example shows that
temporary measures such as restrictions on capital flows are useful instruments,
which safeguard financial stability, prevent financial crises and encourage
long-term capital inflows. Thus, without a stable and sound international
financial system, capital controls can be considered as valid, safe and valuable
policy options to promote development.
In the United Nations Secretary General’s Report
prepared for the preparatory process of the high-level conference “Financing
for Development” (FfD), which will take place in Mexico in March 2002, capital
controls are mentioned in article 21 as a temporary measure to protect national
stability. The wording underlines, however, that capital controls should not
replace the implementation of adequate reforms in the financial system. We
support this argument, although we reiterate that such reforms are far from
being implemented in most emerging markets. Meanwhile the international
community should recommend and support immediate measures to protect national
financial stability.
Furthermore, the so-called policy dilemma of the
“impossibility of the holy trinity” – that is, achieving free capital
mobility, a pegged exchange rate and an independent monetary policy
simultaneously – is false. There
is no valid argument or evidence to support the need for full liberalisation of
capital markets and flows at all cost. On the contrary, ad
hoc measures to control capital flows, specifically designed and implemented
for each individual country, should be pursued by national governments and
strongly encouraged by international institutions.
An additional argument in support of capital control
measures is the acknowledgement of the speculative nature of a significant
proportion of financial inflows.
To
accomplish the goal of capital control, one must analyse the composition of
financial flows and their ability to support development. In the last two
decades, the combination of liberalisation, speculation and technology
innovation has given rise to a system of huge dimensions, which functions more
on rumour than on economic fundamentals. The main players in this system, inter alia commercial and investment banks, exchange USD 1,862
billion daily in currency transactions and Over The Counter Transactions (OTC).
Moreover, the currency market has grown. Table 2 shows that foreign exchange
transactions increased from USD 18.3 billion/day in 1977 to USD1.5 trillion in
1998. With derivative transactions added, this figure is almost USD1.6 trillion.
Furthermore, from 1977 to 1998, the ratio between annual currency value in
foreign currency and foreign export increased from 3.51 to 55.97, while the
ratio of central bank reserves to daily currency activities in foreign currency
decreased from 14.5 to a mere 1.
Table 2.
Daily average turnover in currency exchange markets in 1998, by
length of contract (USD millions)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Maturities
|
2 days
|
3-7 days
|
1 year
|
>1 year
|
Total
|
%
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1.
Spot
|
577,737
|
|
|
|
577,737
|
40.1
|
2.
Outright
|
|
65,892
|
58,680
|
5,099
|
129,671
|
9.0
|
3.
Forward
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
4.
Forex swaps
|
|
530,683
|
192,592
|
10,847
|
734,122
|
50.9
|
Total
|
577,737
|
596,575
|
251,272
|
15,946
|
1,441,530
|
100.0
|
%
|
40.1
|
41.4
|
17.4
|
1.1
|
100.0
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Source:
B.I.S. (1998)
|
Table 3 shows that 40.1% of
contracts are two-day spot transactions, 41.7% are three to seven day
transactions, and only 1.1% are for more than one year. It should be noted that
contracts on currencies are purely speculative. This market is beyond any public
control and totally disconnected from productive activities.
Table 3.
Official
Reserves, foreign exchange trade and exports, 1977-98
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Year
|
Official
Reserves
(USD
billions)
|
Reserves+
gold
(USD
billions)
|
Daily
global turnover*
(USD
billions)
|
Reserves / Daily turnover
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(1)
|
(2)
|
(3)
|
(1)/(3)
|
(2)/(3)
|
1998
|
1,636.1
|
1,972.0
|
1,500.0
|
1.0
|
1.3
|
1995
|
1,347.3
|
1,450.0
|
1,190.0
|
1.1
|
1.2
|
1992
|
910.8
|
1,022.5
|
820.0
|
1.1
|
1.2
|
1989
|
722.3
|
826.8
|
590.0
|
1.2
|
1.4
|
1986
|
456.0
|
23.0
|
270.0
|
1.7
|
2.0
|
1983
|
339.7
|
494.6
|
119.0
|
2.8
|
4.2
|
1980
|
386.6
|
468.9
|
82.5
|
4.7
|
5.7
|
1977
|
265.8
|
296.6
|
18.3
|
14.5
|
16.2
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
*excluded
derivative contracts
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Source:
B.I.S. (1998)
|
|
|
|
This economic sector grew at
an incredible rate compared to the international trade of goods and services.
The total amount of the goods traded in 1998 was USD 6,700 billion, registering
a 14% growth rate from 1995. Financial activities involve 76 times more
financial resources than global trade in goods and services: for each dollar
spent on trade, USD 75 is invested in financial assets. In the financial
markets, monetary returns – and risks– are much higher than in the real
economy, thus increasing resources are shifted from productive and long-term
investments into speculation. Capital controls can, as the Chilean case showed,
allow governments to welcome long-term investments and discourage short- term
ones by making them more costly.
As the chart indicates, the
gargantuan dimensions of private flows in the financial markets seriously
affects the capability of central banks to react to speculative attacks. Global
central bank reserves amount to no more than what is traded in one day of
currency transactions on financial markets, and data from March 1999 indicates
that this situation is worsening. Two controversial issues require immediate
reaction:
·
The volume of short-term
capital flows, in particular massive inflows and outflows of speculative capital
(spot transactions), leads to substantial exchange rate instability;
·
The excessive liquidity of
financial markets means that national institutions such as central banks are
unable to protect national currencies from speculative attacks. Traditionally, a
central bank buys and sells its national currency on international markets to
keep the currency’s value relatively stable. The bank buys currency when a
glut caused by an investor sell-off threatens to reduce the currency’s value.
In the past, central banks had reserves sufficient to offset any sell-off or
attack. Currently, speculators have larger pools of cash than all the world’s
central banks together. This means that many central banks are unable to protect
their currencies, and when a country cannot defend the value of its currency, it
loses control of its monetary policy.
The international community
should address adequately this new situation and design new rules and
institutions capable of guaranteeing stability and more equitable growth in the
system. The United Nations Conference on Financing for Development represents an
historical event to promote a constructive dialogue on these issues among the
different actors: governments, UN agencies, international financial institutions
including the WTO, civil society and the private sector. The agenda for the
meeting contains most of the major current challenges, among others domestic
resources for development, private financial flows, trade, official development
assistance, debt, and the international financial architecture.
During the preparatory process
and the FfD conference itself, civil society will monitor the decisions made. If
these decisions are not adequate, another precious opportunity will be lost.
Civil society expects that there will be a consistent discussion on the
implementation of a currency transaction tax (CTT) in the context of this
conference. A study of the CTT was recommended by the United Nations General
Assembly Special Session on Social Development (UNGASS) in Geneva in June 2000.
Subsequently, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan established a high level panel
chaired by the former Mexican President Zedillo. It is hoped that the report of
this group, due in May 2001, will contain concrete and effective proposals.
Civil society and academics
from many countries have already produced studies on the economic feasibility of
currency transaction taxes. Currency transaction taxes are uniform international
taxes payable on all spot transactions involving the conversion of one currency
into another, in both domestic security markets and foreign exchange markets.
They would discourage speculation by making currency trading more costly. The
volume of short-term capital flows would decrease, leading to greater exchange
rate stability.
Achieving this stability
through taxation would require high rates, however, and this would seriously
obstruct the workings of international financial markets. A small charge on
international financial transactions would not create distortions, but it would
also not inhibit speculative behaviour in foreign exchange markets. One possible
compromise, suggested by Paul Bernd Spahn, Professor at the University of
Frankfurt, would be a two-tier structure: a minimal rate transaction tax and an
exchange surcharge that, as an anti speculation device, would be triggered only
during periods of exchange rate turbulence. The minimal rate transaction tax
would function on a continuing basis and raise substantial, stable revenues
without impairing the normal liquidity function of world financial markets. It
would also serve as a monitoring and controlling device for the exchange
surcharge, which would be administered jointly with the transaction tax. The
exchange surcharge, which would be dormant as long as foreign exchange markets
operated normally, would not be used to raise revenues, but would function as an
automatic circuit breaker whenever speculative attacks against currencies
occurred. A minimal nominal charge of, e.g.,
two basis points on foreign exchange transactions, would raise the cost of
capital insignificantly and would probably have no effect on the volume of
transactions involving currency conversions. The exchange surcharge would avoid
the negative effects of other monetary policy measures that sacrifice valuable
international reserves or offer excessively generous interest rates to combat
speculative attacks. It would also eliminate expectations of recurrent bailouts
by central banks and reduce unethical behaviour and the impacts of financial
crises.
To summarise, the
implementation of currency transaction taxes would:
·
Reduce short-term speculative
currency and capital flows;
·
Enhance national policy
autonomy;
·
Restore taxation capacity of
individual countries eroded by the globalisation of markets;
·
Distribute tax pressures more
equitably among different sectors of the economy;
·
Trace movements of capital to
fight tax evasion and money laundering.
In addition, currency
transaction taxes could collect resources for development purposes. The revenues
generated should not, however, replace the fulfilment of fundamental
commitments, such as the internationally agreed level of official development
assistance (ODA), adequate debt reduction and cancellation initiatives, and more
equitable trade agreements. All these crucial commitments will be discussed in
the FfD conference.
Civil
society will work hard to make this conference a concrete success. Our overall
objective is the definition – in a participatory and transparent process –
of new rules for an international financial system based on a more equitable
redistribution of benefits and costs. Redistribution should be the core of the
political agenda for this conference, as it should be for the new Millennium, so
that we can reach social and economic development for all.
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