1997
Women is eyes on the World Bank
Laura Frade
Despite
the fact that one of the World Bank's objectives is to reduce poverty by
promoting development through stepped-up economic growth, its policies have not
achieved that goal. On the contrary, the structural adjustment programs fostered
by the Bank together with the International Monetary Fund and the regional banks
have increased the burden of poverty on women. The contradiction between its
policies and its goals is evident.
Thus,
at the Fourth World Conference on Women, it was recognized that: "Macro-
and microeconomic policies must be rethought and reformulated".1
Given
these contradictions, the women meeting at the Fourth International Conference
in Beijing decided to launch a campaign in which NGOs and social and women's
organizations worldwide would be able to monitor, follow up on and influence the
policies designed by those institutions, especially the World Bank, with a view
to: "Increasing the participation of grassroots women in the design of
macroeconomic policies, institutionalizing the perspective of gender as a
standard practice in its policies and programs, increasing the bank's
investments in the sectors of education, health, agriculture, land ownership,
employment and financial services for women", and finally, "fully
implementing the recommendations of the Stern Report, in order to increase the
number and the racial diversity of women in management positions within the
bank". In conclusion, we are seeking the transformation of the institution
so that it responds to our needs.
These
objectives were set forth in a letter signed by 900 women's organizations from
around the globe, which was personally delivered to John Wolfensohn, president
of the World Bank, during his visit to the Fourth Conference in Beijing. During
that visit he committed to meeting our demands.
Over
this past year since the Conference, the Bank has tried to implement a series of
activities that respond to our letter. To understand their impact we will
analyze how the Bank has been working from a gender perspective over recent
years, not only at the level of structural adjustment programs whose impacts we
are aware of, but also in terms of its other programs and projects.
The
"mainstreaming gender" strategy
The
Bank's main strategy in relation to gender has in practice translated into
"mainstreaming gender", which means considering the gender perspective
a priority within the activities being undertaken by the Bank at all levels,
from the Task managers who design investment projects to the Vice Presidents and
Executive Directors. This implies that gender is to be incorporated as a
perspective for all other sectors under the Bank's attention, rather than as a
separate issue. Under this guideline, gender specialists have recently been
assigned to the regional offices, in addition to having a gender unit within the
development department, with a view to maintaining a participatory methodology
in its projects, implying that the NGOs are taken into account in that process.
According
to the Bank, the most significant increase in investment in gender-related
projects took place from 1967 to 1985, amounting to 7% and affecting one-third
of the projects it financed. 41% of the projects having a gender component were
in Africa, while only 15% were in Latin America. Yet, if we look into the
project portfolio for Africa we realize that the realities are not so uneven,
since only 16% of all projects in Africa have a gender component, while in Latin
America the investment is only 9% of the portfolio total.2
What
is more interesting, however, is precisely how the gender policies translate in
the projects implemented in the countries. We should note that in carrying out
an internal review of action on this subject, the Bank's gender unit ranked
them, giving a 2 to projects having a substantial gender component, implying
that a direct amount of the funds granted are directed at women, 1 to those
making some reference to women as direct or indirect beneficiaries of the
project, and 0 to those who do not do so.3 It should be mentioned that the loans
for structural adjustment are not considered projects, so that they are not
taken into account in this ranking, as though they had no consequences for
women, and the investment sectors in which the Bank works most, from the gender
perspective, are women's health, population and, primarily, education.
Nevertheless, the Bank's heaviest disbursements continue to be to the so-called
"hard sectors", i.e., highways, dams, electrification,
industrialization, which is to say those which from the Bank's standpoint
directly promote economic development.
Yet
when a project is ranked a 2 it does not mean that the funds are specifically
devoted to the problems generated by gender inequality, but instead to any
matter related to women.
How
is the Bank's strategy implemented?
To
exemplify the Bank's gender practices, we can analyze Mexico, since according to
the Gender Unit4 51% of the total project portfolio having this component in the
Latin American region has been granted to Mexico, as reflected in a specific
paragraph that speaks to the benefits that women will receive due to
implementation of a particular project, as mentioned above.
Nevertheless,
one would have to ask: what exactly is a gender component? This is the case of
the Second Primary Education Project, whose objective is to improve the quality
and efficiency of primary education in 10 of the country's states with high
poverty indexes and low schooling, as well as to decrease deficiencies and bring
them up to national educational standards.5 Among the benefits and risks,
mention is made of the impact on women, saying that approximately half of the
beneficiaries will be the girls attending school, whose opportunity to access
higher levels of education and work will be increased by the mere fact of
improving the quality of the education service. It adds that more benefits will
be expected, since research indicates that the educational level of women has
positive effects on their own and their children's health, as well as lowering
fertility indexes. It also indicates that the impact will be especially
significant for indigenous girls, since they will be able to attend school.
The
basic activities of the project are as follows: development of human resources
by training of teachers and principals, acquisition of teaching materials for
students and teachers, reading corners, texts and educational materials for the
indigenous population, remodeling and construction of classrooms, and
institutional strengthening through assistance to state governments in the
decentralization process.
According
to the Bank's definition, this project has a strong gender component; however,
we would have to see whether our perspective is truly incorporated in the
projects, since, starting with their design, the indicators on which they are
based do not have data deaggregated by sex. There would seem to be an enormous
gap between theory and practice, given that their own research shows that with a
higher educational level women increase their possibilities for working in the
future, that women's increased income directly benefits boys and girls, that
women's literacy reduces infant mortality more than better access to general
health services, that investments in women's education are extended to the next
generation, that the investment in obstetrics and family planning services
decreases maternal mortality, etc. But all this marvelous research, in the
majority of cases, does not translate into practice, not only because projects
are not being designed and implemented from a gender perspective, but also
because the initial diagnoses fail to incorporate data deaggregated by sex, and
are based on the general situation, in studies where official institutions
provide the bulk of the data.
Additionally,
there is no adequate methodology for implementing the gender policies they claim
will be put into effect in the projects, and thus there is a huge gap between
the components and the practice. It is as if the results of their findings would
suffice for the design and implementation of their policies and programs to take
place without establishing their own procedures and activities, in order to
achieve the supposed benefits they say they will bring us. For example, will
girls enter school only because the quality of education is improved by
preparing textbooks in indigenous languages? Or will it be necessary to foster
specific activities so that some very deep-rooted traditions will be modified
and thereby permit their real access to education?
Moreover,
the Bank starts with a mercantilist conception of gender, where within the
reference frame of the neo-liberal development model women are useful, since our
incorporation in the workforce yields big profits. The Bank's projects or
research on gender always make reference to the profit obtained if one action or
the other is performed by women. This means that the reasons for the Bank's
investment in women are always based on what can be obtained. For example: the
more highly educated women are, the fewer children they have, hence let us
invest in education. While it is true that the Bank is a bank and cannot remove
itself from an economic context that guarantees its investments, it is also true
that functionality is not always a guarantee for achieving those objectives. For
example, do investments in teaching materials ensure that the cultural problems
generated by gender inequality will be eradicated? Or, given that the
educational contents have a certain degree of patriarchal elements, will
increasing the investment in this type of material contribute to strengthening a
society that blocks girls' access to education and, thus, to development?
This
type of clearly mercantile gender perspective also influences macroeconomic
policy design, specifically in the legislative amendments promoted by the
structural adjustment programs of a country. For example, in the World Bank's
publication called "Mujeres trabajadores en Latinomérica: Brechas de
participación, remuneración y política pública" ("Women Workers in
Latin America: Gaps in participation, remuneration and public policy"),6
the author mentions that: "Some laws, and particularly protection laws, do
in fact discriminate against women. In many cases, they impose unnecessary
restrictions on women's employment opportunities. Few would deny the need for
laws to protect and provide special benefits for women during pregnancy and
childbirth. However, a review of these laws shows that they frequently have the
effect of encouraging employers to discriminate against women workers, and later
she concludes that "amendment and reform of protection laws are evidently a
first step in the elimination of obstacles to participation and higher
remuneration among women".
While
it is true that some countries have certain legal impediments to full labor
participation of women, such as not being able to work nights, or to work with
certain machinery and chemicals, etc., it is also a fact that many of these laws
are the result of the historical process of our struggle against discrimination,
like laws providing maternity, childbirth and post-childbirth leave.
Nevertheless, instead of analyzing this fact from a more social and
anthropological standpoint, a purely economic reason is attributed to a
situation basically rooted to a patriarchal society that is not capable of
meeting the economic-social needs of its population, particularly women.
The
answers
In
light of all this, and as a response to our demands in Beijing, John Wolfensohn
has taken certain steps. First he formed a consultative group on gender, to
which he invited 16 women from NGOs and networks in different parts of the
world, some of whom are active members in our campaign. And he initiated
consultative activities with them during the month of April of last year. The
participants have on various occasions indicated that the main difficulty and
challenge to be overcome is their being allowed to work not only on "gender
matters" as the Bank understands them, but that they also be allowed to
enter the discussion on macroeconomic policy issues, to which the Bank showed
some initial resistance. However, under the pressure of all the women it finally
accepted. At present they have made a series of recommendations for achieving
"gender equity at the heart of operations" of the Bank, including
modifications of an institutional, labor and operating type, as well as the
design of macroeconomic policy, fundamentally in relation to structural
adjustment programs. John Wolfensohn, in response, has said that many of these
suggestions are being implemented; particularly, the inclusion of the
development of a methodology to generate statistical data deaggregated by sex,
identification of specific regional and country plans to deal with country
Assistance Strategies with particular sensitivity; and at the same time
developing program and project impact indicators.
Similarly,
the Bank published a first report on its activities at all levels and sectors in
relation to gender issues, called "Implementing the Bank's gender
policies", which we feel contains the same frame of reference, relating
economic growth with a decrease in the poverty of women, which obviously has
been very much questioned by us, given its structural and patriarchal roots, in
addition to the description of how certain objectives are implemented within the
Bank.
As
a result of the activities of women's organization, in some countries there have
been specific responses to their proposals. In Tanzania, as an achievement of
the groups, an agreement was reached with the Bank to hire gender specialists,
train its staff, and increase opportunities for women in high-level positions.
In India, Indu Capoor of Chetna/Healthwatch reports that thanks to the work
being done the Bank and the government have been convinced to perform an
analysis and, subsequently, to carry out a dialogue, with a view to the health
programs responding more efficiently to women's needs.
Additionally,
as part of the Campaign, various Latin American NGOs have been sending letters
to put pressure on the Bank's Vice President for the region, Javed Burki, asking
him to establish a gender unit in his department, with a view to improving
institutionalization of the gender perspective. John Wolfensohn supported this
initiative and called for a meeting in which we were able to discuss the
proposal more fully with Javed Burki.
This
took place during October. According to him, establishment of a gender unit is
unnecessary, since the other regions that work this way are not any more
effective in this sense, and he feels he is doing a better job than the others
by hiring a gender specialist in one of the departments (Mexico and Central
America), promoting involvement of this perspective in all labor sectors. After
a discussion as to the two ways of institutionalizing this vision, either
through a unit separate from the Bank's everyday business or incorporation in
all spheres, we proposed that specialists be hired by department to guarantee
inclusion of gender analysis in all areas. In addition we feel a regional
coordinator should be appointed to articulate, foster, promote and
institutionalize this perspective, given that if everyone is responsible for an
activity, ultimately no one is, and thus such a coordinator is necessary. He
responded by saying that we would evaluate the progress every six months at
other meetings.
Conclusions
and prospects
While
the Bank managers have shown good will in hearing our demands and taking them
into account, and although we have seen evidence of actions promoting certain
objectives, there is still much to be done to attain them. In reality we could
say that efforts have been made at the level of consultation, promotion among
personnel, and discourse, but not yet at the level of real participation of
women, allocating resources for this purpose, and, above all, of a real change
in its policies and programs. Decisions are being made at the highest managerial
levels with enormous approval on our part, but they are not yet being translated
into tangible modifications in the Bank's operations and negotiations at its
lower levels. This process, given the size of the institution and the interests
involved, will be very slow.
In
order to truly transform the Bank with a view to coherence, transparency and
accountability, several specific actions are required:
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a change in the economics-oriented and mercantilist conception of gender, to a
more human and anthropological vision and conception, which undoubtedly implies
modification of its frame of reference in which economic growth leads ipso facto
to eradication of poverty, and proposing alternative development models.
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creation of a series of clear institutional, as well as operating and
administrative mechanisms, whereby through implementation of a series of
appropriate instruments and tools, using data deaggregated by sex, the bank can
undertake a process of review of its projects and policies from the perspective
of gender, thus ridding itself of the procedures and programs that truly promote
poverty in women, and implementing new policies that can satisfy the demands of
both sectors: the investing governments and the poor population they seek to
serve. This necessarily requires allocation of resources, in addition to
incorporating gender equality and equity in all the process of analysis,
projection, negotiation and implementation between the bank and the governments
of the countries.
- Installation
of participation mechanisms (not only consultation) for civil society,
primarily women who are the most affected by its policies.
- Opening
up the negotiation processes between governments and the Bank to civil
society, especially women, with a view to truly responding to the needs of
the population, without conditions that endanger country sovereignty, by
creating three-way dialogues and establishing clear mechanisms for follow-up
and evaluation of agreements.
Nevertheless,
all these transformations can only take place in the framework of follow-up,
monitoring, pressuring and demands by civil society, particularly by women
vis-a-vis governments and multilateral organizations, for fulfillment of the
agreements made by them. John Wolfensohn acknowledged during a meeting with over
200 women that: "Although there has been progress in many countries there
must be mass reeducation to step up the staff's handling of gender. The key to
institutionalizing this perspective is follow-up, follow-up, examples, and only
then, rewards".
As
we have seen, as regards poverty and its eradication, "spontaneous
generation" only takes place within the very mercantilist parameters that
shape the Bank, and the change that we all seek requires more than good will,
consultations and committed management; it requires our constant mobilization
until reaching the objective, it requires upwards feedback, and real
participation of the persons affected.
Notes
1
United Nations,
Action Platform for the Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing 1995.
2 Durant, Valerie, "Gender in Latin America," University of Maryland,
1995.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 World Bank, "Second Basic
Education Project", August 30, 1995, World Bank, Washington, D.C.
6 Winter, Carolyn, "Mujeres Trabajadoras en Latinoamérica: Brechas en
participación, remuneración y política pública", World Bank, Latin
America and Caribbean Region, Technical Department, Washington, D.C., 1994.
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