Home
 COUNTRY BY  COUNTRY
  THE BIG ISSUES
 PROGRESS AND  REGRESSIONS
 DEVELOPMENT  INDICATORS
   | ESPAÑOL | Commitments | Annual Report | News | About  | Site Map Feedback  
 The Big Issues: Reports by commitment

2000
The creation of the Gender ICC in Latin America

The Gender Index of Fulfilled Commitments (IFC) is an instrument that allows us to measure the level of fulfillment of the commitments that the governments of Latin America have made for the achievement of gender equity. In this number, we present the results of this measurement for a group of Latin American countries, offering some results on the regional level which may allow us to evaluate the impact of this instrument when applied to other regions.

The idea of creating an instrument for observing the action of the governments in favor of equality and equity between men and women, arose from the necessity of women’s organizations to supervise the fulfillment of the national and international agreements signed by the governments, so as to provide transparency to the public and avoid that the actions proposed be ignored or implemented halfway.

The monitoring of the Women’s Action Platform, committed to at the Beijing Conference, was performed through a survey answered by citizens’ organizations. This questionnaire intended to reveal various aspects: the availability of information, the feminization of poverty, the existence of specific policies oriented towards women, the participation of women in different areas. It also revealed the existence or non-existence of institutional mechanisms in charge of following the Beijing Conference, and of citizens’ organizations which are dealing with this task. In the preparation of the current report, we gathered information from 13 countries, based on the data submitted by the citizens’ organizations which collaborated.

Access and availability of information

The availability and access to current and sufficient information comparing the realities of men and women is fundamental, not only to follow the Women’s Action Platform and to analyze the impact of different policies and programs, but also to be able to identify the areas and themes in which gender differences are manifested more clearly than in others.

As reflected in Table 1, the availability of information on large areas is relatively extended on a Latin American level, nevertheless, there are still important gaps in information which must be filled. Obviously, education is one of the areas with the greatest coverage; it is possible to discover the levels of women and men, in primary as well as secondary education. Except in the case of Argentina, the disposition of data appears satisfactory.

In relation to the insertion of men and women in the labor force, however, there are information deficits for some countries. Guatemala is the one with the greatest lack of data, there is none available and accessible on female employment and unemployment, on the insertion of women in the informal sector of the economy, or on salary discrimination. In Colombia, there is a lack of data on the economically active female population (EAP) by sectors and areas of activity, and on the informal sector. The data regarding the insertion of women in the informal sector is also unavailable in Chile. It must be underlined that the informal sector has been one of the areas which women have joined in important numbers in the last years in Latin America. There is no data in Venezuela about salary discrimination, and the organization responsible for Peru, as well as that of Colombia, do not know if such figures are available.

The economic weight and the contribution of non-remunerated domestic work to the GNP is a relevant figure, which helps to visualize the daily work of women and integrates it into the national accounts. Nevertheless, there is practically no such data, even though in various countries of the region (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Peru and Venezuela), there are initiatives which tend to begin such an evaluation.

In spite of the importance acquired by the feminization of poverty in the last decade, in the majority of countries for which there exists information, there is no data dealing with the magnitude of the phenomenon, except in Chile, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay and Peru.

Finally, regarding access to health services, in 6 of the 13 countries considered there is available data about the access of women to these services. The lack of this type of data obviously reveals a very important deficiency when creating policy in this sector.

TABLE 1: Existence of available information discriminated by gender

Type of information

ARG

BOL

BRA

COL

CHI

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PER

URU

VEN

Access to educational services (by educational level)

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Schooling (by educational level)

NO

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Female enrollment in secondary studies

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Labor force: employment and unemployment rates

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

 

NO

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Female EAP by sectors and areas of activity

YES

YES

YES

NO

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Female population in the informal sector

YES

YES

YES

NO

NO

YES

NO

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Salary discrimination

YES

YES

YES

N/A

YES

YES

NO

YES

YES

YES

N/A

YES

NO

Initiatives tending to evaluate the economic weight of domestic and non-remunerated women’s work

NO

YES

NO

YES

NO

YES

NO

N/A

YES

NO

YES

NO

YES

Incidence of poverty in the female population

NO

NO

NO

NO

YES

YES

NO

NO

YES

YES

YES

NO

NO

Number of mono-parental households (unmarried female head)

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES

Women’s access to health services

NO

YES

YES

NO

NO

YES

NO

YES

YES

NO

YES

YES

NO

 

7/11

10/11

9/11

6/10

8/11

11/11

5/11

9/10

11/11

9/11

10/10

9/11

8/11

Incidence of female poverty and plans
implemented for its eradication

In the majority of the countries considered, there is data for the percentage of households living in poverty which are led by women. Only in Brazil and Mexico is this data not available. While it is true that to perform the analysis it is necessary to include the total amount of female-headed households in the country, the data available demonstrates the incidence of poverty in these types of households, which have been focalized in many countries as the beneficiaries of programs. It is noteworthy, however, that of the 8 countries where there at least two figures with which to compare the evolution of female poverty, in 5 of them it seems to have diminished (Bolivia, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay and Peru) in the period considered. This data is consistent with the drop in relative poverty in Latin America in the "post-lost decade" (even though poverty, in absolute terms, has increased). In Guatemala and Venezuela, on the other hand, female poverty seems to have increased. Obviously, the reliability of the indicators for the measurement of poverty may be questioned and discussed, as well as their ability to measure the multidimensionality of the phenomenon. But all of the data in Table 2 seems to indicate a certain progress in this sense.

Regarding the specific programs and plans in the fight against poverty, in the case of Brazil there are no specific plans, even though the plans being implemented affect women. The programs seem oriented basically along three general lines: health; credit, income and employment; and support for rural women. In the case of Argentina and Bolivia there are plans linked to health that, even though they do not imply a direct blow against the conditions of poverty, they do affect its consequences. In Chile and Mexico, the programs are oriented towards women workers, while Argentina and Ecuador seem to be focused mainly on women in "vulnerable" situations. In Venezuela, Colombia, and Guatemala, there are support programs for rural women. Finally, in Nicaragua, gender was included as one of the central aspects to consider in the Plan to Combat Poverty. The results of the plans, nevertheless, are still not clear, because their implementation is recent, because of insufficient data, or because the impacts are not of the magnitude required. In the case of Paraguay, the plans are not specifically sectoral; they are more often transversal mechanisms.

The coordination with women’s and citizens’ organizations for the implementation of the diverse plans is another aspect which appears to present difficulties: the citizens’ organizations which responded to the questionnaire answered, except in the case of Peru, that this coordination was not working in a satisfactory manner, and in 3 of the 13 cases considered, there is not any coordination at all.

TABLE 2: Incidence of female poverty and plans
implemented for its eradication

 

ARG

BOL

BRA

CHI

COL

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PER

URU

VEN

Incidence of poverty in households headed by unmarried women.

Female-
headed households living in poverty represent 45% of poor households (1997).

Total households with incidence of poverty: 46.5%. In households with male heads: 43.5%. In households with female heads: 58.4%.

No official data, but there are studies that show the impoverishment of female-headed households (1990 data)

Female
-headed households living in poverty represent 17.8% of poor households.

Women represent 54.8% of the poor. 25% of them are heads of household.

53.7% of female
-headed households in 1995; male-headed households is 55.3%

Female
-headed households living in poverty represent 43% of poor households.

The data as such does not exist, it could be calculated based on the number of women who earn less than the minimum wage.

Female
-headed households living in poverty represent 32.5% of poor households.

No data

Female-headed households living in poverty represent 12% of poor households.

22% (1st. decil)

Female-headed households living in poverty represent 65% of poor households (1999).

Evolution of female poverty since 1995.

No data

Decreased

No data

Decreased

No data

No data

Increased

Decreased

No data

Decreased

Decreased

No data

Increased

Existence of programs and specific plans to combat poverty.

Maternal Infant Health Program gives support to vulnerable groups, with a component directed towards women.

In health (Basic Health Insurance)

No specific programs, though those implemented affect women.

Yes (Female heads of Household, Seasonal Women Workers).

Yes. Urban Employment Plan. Rural Employment Plan.

Yes (Solidary Health Bond, whose beneficiaries are poor "mothers" and senior citizens).

Credit program for women of rural areas (PROMUJER).

Yes (progresses, more and better jobs for women, and initiatives which include women).

Included in the poverty relief plan, the consideration of gender equity as a central, transversal axis.

National Equal Opportunity Plan and Strategic Social development Plan.

Yes. Pronaa and Foncades are the two most important ones.

Training program for rural women and teenagers.

Yes. Credimujer and Rural Funds in various states which reach women in 70% and men in 30%.

Evaluation of the impact of the plans.

Have impact, but not enough.

Still in process of implementation.

No data

There have been no official evaluations of impact, only of results.

Have impact, but not enough.

No impact

Not possible to evaluate because of insufficient data.

Being evaluated (by NGOs and World Bank).

Very recent.

No data

Have impact, but not enough.

No data

Have impact, but not enough.

The programs are made in cooperation and with the participation on NGOs.

No

Yes

Indirectly

No

No

No

No data

Yes

Yes

No data

Yes

No data

Yes

Evaluation of the mechanisms of cooperation.

No cooperation.

Of recent implementation.

No data

No cooperation.

No cooperation.

No cooperation.

No data

Not enough.

Functions irregularly.

No data

Functions adequately.

No data

Mechanisms are not enough.

Latin American women in the labor force

Table 3 shows the situation of women in the Latin American labor force. Even though the rate of female participation still does not reach the level of the male participation rate (though in Brazil and Ecuador, for example, it already surpasses 45%), it tends to increase in almost all the countries considered, with the exceptions of Nicaragua and Peru (and even in these cases, there is only a very slight decrease).

Female unemployment appears to represent an important portion of unemployment, as demonstrated in the cases of Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Peru. In some countries, the percentage reaches two digits: Argentina and Venezuela demonstrate high indexes in this sense. Since 1995, for the countries in which there is available data, unemployment has increased in Bolivia, Brazil, Uruguay and Venezuela, and has decreased in Chile, Mexico, Nicaragua and Peru.

In relation to salary discrimination, it continues to be high in the majority of Latin American countries, especially Chile and Ecuador, even though in many countries there are legal and constitutional instruments destined to assure equity between men and women in terms of positions available (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Peru and Venezuela); it appears that discrimination tends to worsen.

The lack of specific initiatives regarding women, employment and income, is very notorious. With the exception of Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and Peru, the rest of the countries included in the table do not possess measures destined to improve the incorporation of women into the labor force. In two of these cases (Argentina and Mexico), the measures are being carried out with the support of international organisms (ILO, IDB). The situation of support initiatives in agriculture, credit and productive resources in general has improved relatively. In Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay, Peru and Venezuela, there are efforts being made in this sense.

TABLE 3: The Latin American woman
in the labor force:situation and initiatives

 

ARG

BOL

BRA

COL

CHI

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PER

URU

VEN

Percentage of the female EAP compared to total

1998: 39%

1992: 38%

1997: 44%

1995: 38.6%

1998: 48.1% (approx.)

1995: 42.7% (urban); 28.8% (rural)

1999: 53.3%

1995: 34%

1998: 37.5%

1995:

42,4 %

1998:

46,1 %

1995: 20%

1995: 32%

1996: 38.7%

1995: 42.3%

1999: 41.1%

No recent data

1995: 11.0%

1997: 10%

1995: 44.1%

1996: 44.5%

1995: 31.2%

1999: 38%

Evolution of female EAP

No data

Increase

Increase

Increase

Increase

Increase (urban EAP)

No data

Increase

Decrease

No recent data

Decrease

Increase

Increase

Female unemployment (a) % Female unemployment (b) Participation of the female unemployment in total unemployment

1998: 14.2%

(a)

1996: 38.6%

1997: 40.9%

(b)

1995: 8.2%

1996: 9.7%

(a)

1995: 12.6%

1999: 23.2%

(a)

1995: 8.9%

1998: 7.6%

(a)

1998: 57,1 % (b)

1992 (a): 3.2%

1992 (b): 61%

1995: 5.9%

1996: 3.1%

(a)

1995: 55%

1999: 48.7%

(b)

1996:

8.6% (a)

1995: 53%

1997: 52%

(b)

1995: 13.6%

1996: 14.5%

1995: 13.3%

1999: 16%

(a)

Evolution of female unemployment

No data

Increase

Increase

Increase

Decrease

No data

No data

Decrease

Decrease

No data

Decrease

Increase

Increase

Salary discrimination (female salary as a % of male salary)

1998: 67%

1994: 56.6%

1997: 64.7%

1995- 54%

1995: 71.4%

(decrease)

1995: 80.07%

1998: 61.80%

1995: 72,5 1998: 67,5 %

Not available

No data

No data

1996: 62.5%

No data

1995: 60.8%

1996:62.5%

1995: 25%

1999: 30%

There are plans for the incorporation of women into the labor market

Yes, Porgram of Professional Training for low-income women. IDB, Ministry of Labor

No

Yes. The Ministry of Labor’s policies have gender perspective and there are specific programs.

No

No

No

No

Yes. More and Better Jobs for Women" plan, ILO.

No

No data

Yes, in the Government Plan.

Training Program for the promotion of equal employment opportunity (not implemented)

No

Legislation or measures that assure equality of access to positions of decision and management to women and men

Yes. CEDAW had constitutional range.

Yes. Equal Opportunity Decree, 1997.

A Bill of Equal Opportunities was presented in Parliament in 1991.

No

No

No

No

No

No

No data

In the Constitution and the Peruvian Civil Code.

No data

Yes, Equal Opportunity Law and New Constitution.

There were improvements in the access of women to loans, land and productive resources

No

Yes. Programs of urban and rural micro credit (NGOs) and National Agrarian Reform Institute.

Yes, through different programs and plans

Yes. Law 82 in 1993 gives priority to credit access, land and housing to female heads of households.

Yes, through INDAP, Credit Program for productive activities.

No

No

No

No

Yes, from Equal Opportunity Plan and the Peasant Development Fund, but with limited impact.

Yes, credit program –PROMUDEH and small business programs (NGOs).

No data

Yes, through Rural Funds, People‘s Bank and Central Social Fund

Initiatives for the implementation
of an Equal Opportunity Plan

The idea and the initiative of the "Equal Opportunity Plan" seem to have set root in Latin America. With the exception of Peru, Nicaragua, Uruguay and Brazil, in the rest of the countries there are plans being implemented at the national level (Chile, Ecuador, Guatemala and Paraguay), state level (Mexico), and projects or initiatives in process (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil). In the majority of cases, these plans correspond to dates close to or after the WCSD and the WWC. Even though the impact is still limited in the countries where the Plan is already being implemented, it is important to keep in mind the evaluation received from Chile, where the Plan "has basically helped to institutionalize certain issues" and has achieved some "legal reforms."

TABLE 4: Initiatives for the implementation of an Equal Opportunity Plan

 

ARG

BOL

BRA

COL

CHI

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PAR

URU

VEN

Existence of an Equal Opportunity Plan

Yes, but not implemented yet.

It exists, but it was not approved.

No. The National Commission of Population and Development created "Strategies for Equality."

No

Yes

Yes

Yes

No on the national level, yes on the state level

No

Yes

No

No

Yes

Existence of initiatives

There is a Legislative Project for Equal Opportunity.

Does not apply

There are 56 legislative projects being discussed.

In the development stage.

Does not apply

Does not apply

Does not apply

No data

Not data

Does not apply

No data

Yes, but only on the level of employment and still in development.

Does not apply

Date of the Plan

1993-1995

1997

Does not apply

Does not apply

1994

1996

1999

No data

Does not apply

No data

Does not apply

Does not apply

End of 1998

Impact of the Plan

No. Some mipact in areas of Labor and Education, weakened through time.

Not yet approved

Does not apply

Does not apply

Helped to institutionalize the issue and achieved some legal reforms.

Very limited. Since its approval, it is just "on paper."

The Plan was still not presented "officially."

No data

Does not apply

No data

Does not apply

Does not apply

Just beginning to be implemented

Political participation and initiatives tending
to reduce the inequities in representation

As shown in Table 5, the political participation of women in Latin America is still limited and restricted. In terms of positions within the Executive Branch (presumably, the ones with the greatest level of decision), the participation percentages, with the exception of Chile and Paraguay, do not surpass 10%. Brazil, Argentina, Guatemala, Chile, Nicaragua and Peru all have at least one female Minister. Uruguay and Venezuela are the most deficient cases, where there are currently no women occupying ministerial positions. But the most worrying situation is that, except for Argentina, in the rest of the countries with two comparable figures for the period, this percentage– already small– decreased or remained the same.

The situation of women in the Parliament improves relatively. With the exception of Guatemala, Nicaragua, Bolivia and Peru, in the rest of the countries, the participation percentages have increased and the average participation in the highest parliamentary organ of the country reaches 12.3%. The participation of women in municipal positions also demonstrates improvement; there is more female representation, with the exceptions of Mexico (which experimented a decrease in the level of participation in municipalities) and Paraguay, and the countries for which there is no comparable information available (Nicaragua, Peru, Guatemala, Bolivia). This data is consistent with the idea that women "invade" the political system "from the base," but they encounter greater obstacles (a "glass ceiling" which in some cases is quite visible) as they get closer to the more powerful positions (such as those of the Executive Branch). Table 5 also "filters" information about political participation, through a hierarchy of available positions, showing the percentage of women who compete in the first five places. Even though the information is very hard to compare between countries, since the positions available are different, the data is interesting.

Finally, Table 5 indicates a study of the existence of measures tending to increase women’s political participation. In Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela there are measures of different types. Those "falling behind" in this sense are Chile, Guatemala, Uruguay and Nicaragua.

TABLE 5: Political participation and initiatives tending
to reduce the inequities in representation

 

ARG

BOL

BRA

COL

CHI

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PER

URU

VEN

Female ministers

1995: 0%

1999: 8%

(1 female minister)

1998: 14%

1999: 0%

1994: 15%

1998: 5%

(1 female minister)

1995: 27%

1998: 12%

1995: 15.8%

1998: 15.8%

1995: 7%

2000: 6.6%

1996-98: 2 female ministers: 1999:1 female ministers (finances)

1999: 9.9%

2000: 8% (1 female minister)

1998:

18.18%

1999: 1 female minister

1995: 7.7%

2000:0%

1995: 8.7%

1999: 0%

Evolution of female ministers

Increased

Decreased

Decreased

Decreased

Remained the same

Remained the same

Decreased

No data

No data

No data

No data

Decreased

Decreased

Legislators

1995: 13%

1998: 29%

Senators

1995: 3.7%

1998: 3.7%

Deputees:

1995: 9.2%

1998: 10%

Senators: 1994: 2.5%

1999: 9.1%

Federal Deputees:

1994: 7.6%

1999: 9.1%

Higher Chamber:

1995: 6.9%

1998: 14.3%

Lower Chamber:

1995: 26.7%

1998: 31.7%

Senators:

1995: 5.3%

1998: 5.3%

Deputees:

1995: 7.5%

1998: 10.8%

National deputees: 1995/6: 0%

1998:20%

Deputees:

1997: 13.7%

1999: 7.1%

Senate:

1995: 13. 3%

1999: 14.9%

Federal deputees

1995: 13.8%

1999: 17.4%

1995: 17%

1999: 11%

1995: 13.7%

1998:

18.89%

1995: 12%

1999: 12%

Senators

1995: 7%

2000: 9.7%

Deputees

1995: 7.1

2000: 13%

1995: 6.5%

1999: 11.7%

Evolution of women in Parliament

Increased

Remained the same

Increased

Increased

Increased

Increased

Decreased

Increased

Decreased

Increased

Remained the same

Increased

Increased

Municipal executive position.

In provincial governments: 0% (1999); in municipal governmentes: 7% (99)

Municipal Watch Committees: 10%; Territorial Organizations:11% (98)

In municipalities:

1993: 3.4%

1996: 5.9%

State government:

h/1996: 0%

1996: 3.7%

Governors:

1995: 6.1%

1998:0.0%

Mayors:

1995: 5.9%

1998: 5.5%

Regional governors:

1995: 7.7%

1998: 7.7%

Provincial governors:

1995: 18%

1998: 20%

Mayors:

1995: 7.2%

1998: 10%

Municipal counsellors:

1995: 12.5%

1999: 13.7%

Provincial counsellors 1995: 6,3%

1998: 7.14%

Municipal counsellors 1995: 8,2

1998: 8,60%

Mayors:

1997: 1.2%

4 mayors out of 326 mayors

Municipal presidents:

1995: 4.5%

1999: 3.5%

Governors:

1999:12.2%

2000: 6.8%

In municipal government:

1995: 6%

1998: 2.73%

1998: 10%

1995: 0%

Mayors

1995: 6.7%

1999: 6.7%

Percentage of women candidates in the first 5 places

No data

Approx. 28% among Municipal counsellors of capital cities.

Approx. 38% in municipal counsellor elections (December 99).

Approx. 14%

No data

Presidential candidates: 2 out of 6 (33.3%)

Presidency 1995: 0%

1998: 16.7

National deputees 1995: 10.4%

1998: 11.9%

Provincial deputees 1995: 12.2%

1998: 9.8%

Presidential candidates:

2 out of 9 (22%)

Vice-presidential candidates:

2 out of 9 (22%)

Deputee candidates:

16.5%

Senatorial candidates 1997: 12.5%

Federal deputee candidates:

1997: 19.9%

Presidential candidates 1995: 4.3%

1996: 8.7%

1996: 20.8%

No data

No data

No data

No data

Percentage of women union leaders

No data

Approx. 5%

Approx. 14%

1998: CTC: 7%; CUT: 1.9%; CGDT:14.3%

No data

No data

No data

No data

No data

8.24%

No data

1998: 8%

No data

There are positive measures tending to increase participation

Yes, quota law.

Yes, 30% quota law.

Yes, 25% quota law.

Yes, quota law.

No

Yes

No

Yes, in the federal and state legislation (20% to 30%)

No

Yes, in the political parties the electoral code establishes a quota of 30%.

Yes

No

Yes

Policies of education, health 
and violence against women

Table 6 shows some concrete political initiatives and measures in the areas of health, education and the struggle against violence towards women. As can be observed, from the point of view of gender-based education policy, the results vary. Of the 13 countries, 7 possess initiatives tending to include gender in educational policy: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, Paraguay and Peru. But the group of countries where measures of this type have not been implemented is important: Chile, Ecuador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Uruguay and Venezuela are among the most "delayed" countries in this sense. Regarding the elaboration of plans to combat gender discrimination in education, Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, Brazil, Guatemala and Bolivia have plans. Argentina had them, but only between 1992 and 1995, and Mexico has them, but they are insufficient, according to the evaluation conducted. In the cases of Nicaragua, Chile and Ecuador, the inexistence of measures in both dimensions considered for gender and education, it is apparent that there has been a serious nonfulfillment. Regarding the evaluation of the plans, generally those surveyed answered that the impact of the plans is insufficient, or difficult to evaluate for the moment.

In the area of health, there has been progress in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia, in the first two in terms of access to health services. But in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Mexico and Ecuador, there appear to be no initiatives in this sense.

The adoption of legislative measures and institutional instances for the combat of violence against women seems to have become widespread, and can be considered an "advance" in terms of the commitments agreed upon. Even though the resources assigned are limited, insufficient, or difficult to find, all the countries have institutional measures of this kind.

TABLE 6: Policies in Education, Health and Violence against Women

 

ARG

BOL

BRA

COL

CHI

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PER

URU

VEN

Inclusion of the gender perspective in educational policy goals

Yes. In few areas.

Yes

Yes

Yes

No

No

Yes

No

No

No data

Yes

No

No

Elaboration of plans to combat gender discrimination in education

Yes. Only between 1992 and 1995.

Yes

Yes

No data

No

No

Yes

Yes, but insufficient.

No

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

Evaluation of educational plans

No data

Have impact, but not enough.

No data

Have impact, but not enough.

Does not apply

Does not apply

Have impact, but not enough.

Have impact, but not enough.

Does not apply

No data

It is not possible to evaluate them because the preliminary results are unknown.

Does not apply

Have impact, but not enough.

Improvements in access and quality of reproductive health plans from 1995 on

No on the national level. Implemented in 14 provinces, but are weak and with small budgets.

Yes

Yes. 1995 to 1997: the number of pregnancy clinics doubled, deliveries attended by health officials and preventive exams.

Yes

Yes. Improved in terms of access, but not in quality.

No

National Maternal Health Survey. Maternal mortality rates and fertility remain high. Increase of contraceptive use.

No

No

Yes

Yes

Yes. On the national level: Maternity Program and Voluntary Paternity. On the municipal level: Integral Attention Program for Women.

No

Adoption of legislative measures and institutional instances to combat violence against women from 1995 on

Yes, on the national and regional level, and regulations.

Yes

Yes. National Program for the Prevention and Combat of Domestic Violence.

Yes

Yes. Law of Domestic Violence, programs and attention centers.

Yes

Yes. Program of Domestic Violence Prevention.

Yes, in a limited form (on the state level).

Yes

Yes. There is no special law for violence against women, but a pre-law has been presented.

Yes

Yes

Yes

Sufficiency of assigned budget resources

The Program of the Ministry of Justice has low resources and impact.

The % of public spending that represents women’s programs is unknown.

Scarcity of resources in specialized commissions and debts in legal procedures.

No. There is no information about the amount of budget resources.

There are resources, though it is unknown what % of total public spending they represent.

They are not enough. it is unknown the % of the total they represent.

No

No. There is no data about the % of total public spending they represent.

No. There is no data about the % of total public spending they represent.

No data

No. There is no data about the % of total public spending they represent.

No data

No. There is no data regarding what % of total public spending they represent.

Follow-up and Monitoring the Beijing Commitments

Finally, in terms of the follow-up and monitoring of the commitments made at the WWC in Beijing, there are more or less institutionalized programs at the governmental level, with the exception of Chile, Guatemala, Uruguay and Peru. As can be seen in Table 7, in some cases these instances are found at the ministerial level; in others, in institutes of different magnitude; and in the cases of Colombia and Brazil, there are initiatives and follow-up processes with no specific foundation.

In many cases there are tables of coordination between citizens’ organizations and governmental organisms, with the exception of Chile and Guatemala. The initiatives range from Tripartite Coordination Tables, as in Peru and Paraguay, to joint initiatives between NGOs and the State, without too much specific institutionality, as in the cases of Ecuador, Colombia, Mexico or Nicaragua. The progress made effective in this respect, ranges from an electoral campaign (Brazil), the realization of propaganda actions (Bolivia) or the creation of a network (Mexico). In less than half of the surveyed countries, there are progress reports which document the activities and evaluate the process.

The organisms dealing with the gender topic in the countries, are divided between those of national level, inserted ministerially (Argentina, Bolivia), or Commissions and Councils of different type and reach (Brazil, Ecuador, Chile, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, Uruguay, Colombia and Venezuela), and those on the departmental, provincial, or state level (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Venezuela, Colombia and Uruguay). Even though, in general, the evaluation is critical in relation to the performance and functioning of these organisms (few resources, scarce institutionalization and legal jurisdiction), their mere existence demonstrates a positive path in that direction.

TABLE 7: Follow-up and Monitoring of the Beijing Commitments

 

ARG

BOL

BRA

COL

CHI

ECU

GUA

MEX

NIC

PAR

PER

URU

VEN

There is a government mechanisms or organism for Monitoring and Follow
-up

Yes. In the Women’s Subsecretariat of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Commerce and Cult.

Yes

There is no specific commission, but there are entities that perform this function.

No. The responsibility falls upon the Presidential Council for gender equity.

No

There is a non
-systematic process of follow-up.

No

Yes. National Women’s Commission (CONAM) whose program coincides with the Action Platform (PAM)

Yes. Corresponds to the Nicaraguan Women’s Institute, but its work has been obstructed.

Yes. Tripartite Follow-up Commission formed by the Women’s Secretariat, the Paraguayan Women’s Coordination and the United Nations.

No

No. There is a Follow-up Commission formed by NGOs and women’s organizations.

Yes

Relationship with citizens’ organizations: participation and coordination

Only in 1999, and scarce.

Until 1997, the National Committee of NGOs for Post-Beijing Coordination.

There is coordination.

Financial support for initiatives and coordination of actions not systematic or continous.

Does not apply

There are joint cooperation activities, but not oriented to the CMM.

Does not apply

There are instances of joint participation. CONAM has relationships with NGOs.

Specific Co-
ordinations.

Yes, in the Tripartite Commission.

There is a Tripartite Table of Coordination.

No

There are instances of participation and coordination with citizens’
organizations.

Existence of specific progress

No data

Propaganda workshops and creation of documents.

Yes

Only partially

Does not apply

Yes

Does not apply

There is a network of programs and policies, but they lack legal status and resources.

No

No data

There has been joint work with levels of political decision on population topics.

No data

There has been progress.

Evaluation reports

No data

No

No

No. Only management reports.

Does not apply

Yes: elaborated by petition of the Women’s Political Coordinator.

Does not apply

There is information of activities.

There are reports being prepared.

Yes

There are reports of the progress achieved.

No

There are reports that make evaluations.

Organisms which deal with the gender topic

At the national level: National Women’s Council; Women’s Sub-
secretariat (Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

At the provincial level: specific areas in 20 of 24 provinces.

1997: Viceministry of Gender, Generational and Family Issues. General Direction of Gender Issues. There are Departmental Gender Units, and Women‘s Municipal Programs in 50 of 311 municipalities.

Yes. Intersectorial Commission of Women’s Health, National Commission of Population and Development.

At the national level: Presidential Council for Gender Equity. At the departmental level: Women’s Offices.

At the national and regional level: SERNAM. At the municipal level: Women’s Offices; Women’s Information Centers; Attention Programs for Victims of Domestic Violence.

National Women’s Council (CONAMU).

At the national level: Women’s Defense Office (Of. of the Human Rights Procurator), of the Indigenous Woman. At the departmental level: National Women’s Office, National Women’s Forum.

At the national level: Women’s Program in Rural Development. General Direction of Equity and Gender. Programs in Social Security organisms. Program in Human Rights Commission.

At the national level: Nicaraguan Women’s Institute. At the institutional level, only the National Police has an organism: the Consultative Gender Council.

No data

No data

At the national level: Women’s and Family Institute, which functions within the Ministry of Education and Culture. It has a small budget and scarce impact.

Women’s Offices or Commissions in some municipalities, especially in the case of Montevideo.

At the national level: National Women’s Council. At the regional level: Regional Women’s Councils (16 of 23 states). At the municipal level: Municipal Women’s Houses and Meeting Places of the National Women’s Council.

Evaluation of the performance and impact of the organisms

All areas are structurally weak, with limited budgets and only relative impact actions.

The General Direction of Gender Issues is in a period of revision and repositioning in the State structure.

No data

Weak impact because of the lack of political will and resources. Political designation of positions to people without technical knowledge.

At the national level, SERNAM has little impact and insufficient resources. At the regional level the impact is greater.

Limited importance. Impact on awareness and conducting studies.

There is no political or financial support for the National Women’s Office. Performance and impact weak.

Positive mechanisms, but lacking legal jurisdictin, hierarchical range and financial and human resources.

Able to observe gender inequities in the police institution and to initiate corrective measures.

No data

There is progress.

Very weak impact at the national level. More noticeable impact at the municipal level, especially in Montevideo.

The impact is still weak, but it tends to increase.

Sufficient resources

Insufficient budget.

Depends almost exclusively (95%) on international cooperation.

No data

Insufficient budget.

Does not have an independent budget.

 

The budget is insufficient. Less than 0.01% of total social spending.

The budget assigned to CONAM is very small and the budget assigned to programs decreased by 4.2% in the last 3 years. At the state level it is even more precarious.

Destined to the Nicaraguan Women’s Institute, a 0.003% 
of the general budget. The rest of the resources depend on international cooperation.

No data

The budget is insufficient given the existing needs.

The national budget is insufficient.

The budget is insufficient.

General balance of progress and delays

The revision of what has or has not been done in the different countries in the region regarding the implementation of the WAP and the changes which the integration and participation of women have undergone in different areas, reveals a prism of different realities. While the progress in various aspects has been important, the delays in other areas must also be considered.

Today, the majority of countries has more information classified by gender, almost all of them have implemented institutional mechanisms of diverse status which are preoccupied with the themes; in many areas (labor, health, education, poverty, political participation) specific plans and programs with specific policies have been elaborated.

Nevertheless, the general results are still poor. In most cases, the organizations answering the questionnaire have concluded that the impact of the plans and programs implemented is not sufficient; they have manifested that the different government organisms in charge of the gender topic do not possess the financial and/or human resources indispensable for an efficient performance and a significant impact; that many laws are approved but not applied as they should be; that the coordination with NGOs is weak. All this demonstrates that the path ahead is a long one, in spite of the fact that 6 out of the 13 countries have an Equal Opportunity Plan, and that 7 out of the 13 countries have approved positive measures tending to increase the participation of women in the political realm.

When we observe some figures linked to female unemployment, to their percentage within the poor, to the important gap which exists between female and male salaries, and to their very scarce political participation, it becomes apparent that the delays are still notorious and that more than 50% of the Latin American population begins the new millennium facing, day after day, situations of discrimination which should have been left in prehistory.

As the NGOs attending the VIII CEPAL Conference recently stated, "the XXI Century shall be the century of women only if it also the century of democracy, politically, economically, and socially, but also culturally, privately and intimately. With democratic governments that fulfill their political and legal commitments, and with strong citizenships with the ability to observe the public sphere and create proposals, we shall be able to assume the challenges of the new millennium."

 

 



   | ESPAÑOL | Commitments | Annual Report | News | About Feedback   
Search Social Watch on the Internet with Choike
The Third World Institute - Social Watch
Social Watch is an international watchdog citizens' network on poverty eradication and gender equality

Jackson 1136, Montevideo 11200, Uruguay
Phone: + 598-2- 419-61-92. Fax: + 598-2-411-92-22;
e-mail: socwatch@socialwatch.org