2001
Women, the global economy and decision making
June Zeitlin
Women’s Environment & Development Organization (WEDO)
Global trends that were just emerging at the 1995 United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, have now come into full play. Foremost among these is the set of economic rules, institutions and activities called globalisation. Since Beijing, the relentless emphasis on trade liberalisation and market growth, accompanied by the growing domination of economic decision-making by transnational corporations and the WTO, has reshaped the economic environment in both developed and developing countries.
While
globalisation has brought benefits to some, these benefits have been unevenly
distributed—among people, within countries, and between countries. The top 20%
of the world’s population earns 74 times more than the bottom 20%, and the 200
richest people in the world have more money than the combined income of the
lowest 40% of the world’s population.[1]
Despite
an unprecedented period of economic growth in the United States—arguably the
world’s richest and most powerful nation—34 million people are living below
the poverty line. Women head a third of those households classified as
impoverished. Minority black and hispanic women are particularly affected.
Globalisation
hits women hardest and in multiple ways—as workers in the formal and informal
sectors, as market vendors and small entrepreneurs, as food producers, as family
caregivers, and as community activists. Despite all of the professed economic
growth, women are still more than 70% of the world’s 1.3 billion poor. The
number of rural women living in absolute poverty has risen by 50% in the last
two decades, as opposed to 30% for men. In Africa, Asia and Latin America, trade
liberalisation has wiped out many of women’s traditional livelihoods and
forced them into low paying jobs with poor working conditions. And as state
support for public services—including health, education, and water—declines,
or as services are privatised, women are left with the added burden of finding
ways to access these services for their families.[2]
In
the United Nations and other international forums, women from around the world
have come together for decades to articulate a gender perspective and to push
governments to respond to women’s needs by making firm commitments.
WEDO[3]
is one of numerous women’s organisations from all over the world that played a
major role in putting gender on the agenda of global institutions, beginning
with the UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 1992, in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil. To ensure their issues were considered, women organised
regional and global preparatory conferences and lobbied for the inclusion of
strong gender language and perspectives in official documents.
Through
these processes, feminist activists not only established that women bring
particular concerns and expertise to development, but also that every issue is a
women’s issue. We are proud that there is now general acceptance that
women’s rights are human rights, as recognised at the 1993 World Conference on
Human Rights in Vienna. We will continue to advance women’s right to
reproductive and sexual health, which we struggled for in Cairo at the 1994
International Conference on Population and Development.
The
commitment of 189 governments to a comprehensive agenda for women
worldwide—the Beijing Platform for Action (PFA)—was a significant landmark.
WEDO, working with national women’s organisations, engaged in monitoring
implementation of these commitments. Beginning with “First Steps: What Has
Happened Since Beijing”, WEDO issued four reports documenting governments’
progress—or failure—to implement the Beijing Platform.[4]
Issued
in 1998 and covering 80 countries, “Mapping Progress” is the most
comprehensive of these reports. It documents the positive steps being
taken—from the drafting of national plans to the establishment of
implementation mechanisms, to new laws, to increased budgets.
But
“Mapping Progress” also underscores the lack of progress in key areas
including political representation and women’s economic status.
To
effectively shape policies that affect their lives, the community and the
broader society, women must be present in critical numbers wherever decisions
are made—locally, nationally and internationally—in both government and
economic institutions.
In
1995, women were ten per cent of elected officials in the world’s governments.
Six years later, that figure has risen to 12.7%—that’s an increase of only
.5% per year. At that rate it will take 75 years before women are assured equal
representation in their national governments. In response to this lack of
progress, WEDO launched the “50/50: Get the Balance Right” campaign to
advocate for a critical mass of women in decision-making positions—at all
levels of government, international forums, and economic institutions.[5]
Women’s access to decision-making is the key to progress on the broader set of
women’s concerns, particularly with respect to globalisation.
WEDO
promotes an integrated approach to effectively bring together micro and macro
approaches and to link more explicitly across social and economic issues. But
what we see is that by dividing the Beijing Platform into issue areas,[6]
this integrated approach is made more difficult. Separating the topics
“Poverty” and “The Economy” may have made sense in 1995 when women
sought to emphasise the gender-based inequities of poverty and the reality of
the feminisation of poverty as an almost universal phenomenon. It became
apparent at the 2000 Five Year Review of the Platform, however, that this way of
examining the issues had serious shortcomings.
The
main drawback was that domestic poverty alleviation took place in isolation from
issues relating to formal labour market employment and the global economic
activities that would become so significant over the next few years. This
artificial divide made it more difficult to analyse women’s economic status
and address women’s poverty.
In
addition, the Beijing Platform emphasises poverty alleviation approaches such as
micro-credit and micro-finance over systemic economic approaches. This limited
support reflects the current attitudes of governments and international donors
toward women’s economic activities, both at the policy level and in terms of
financial resources. Initially, micro-credit was seen as a critical breakthrough
in improving women’s economic status. The apparent accomplishments of the
Grameen Bank in Bangladesh—which offers small loans to women with no
collateral—and its progeny have enabled millions of poor women around the
world to better support themselves and their families. These programs must
continue to receive major support. What is now clear is that micro-credit and
micro-finance cannot be the only strategies employed to advance women’s
economic status.
WEDO
and other advocates lobbied hard at the Five Year Review of the Beijing Platform
to make women’s role in the global economy more visible and to urge
governments to take immediate steps to redress the negative impacts of
globalisation on women. These efforts were limited by the structural
shortcomings in the PFA, but nonetheless some important gains were made.
The
final document[7]
calls for equal access to social protections for women, including new and more
flexible forms of work associated with globalisation (110a). It links
globalisation with other critical economic issues such as trade and debt, and
calls for enhanced and effective participation of developing countries in
international economic policy decision-making in order to guarantee equal
participation of women in macro-economic decision-making (135a). The document
also calls on governments to integrate a gender perspective in all budgetary
processes (109a), to ratify ILO conventions on women’s rights at work (127b),
and to advance commitments to eradicate poverty and increase women’s access to
housing and inheritance and property rights (135d; 102k).
The
Special Session of the General Assembly to review the 1995 World Summit for
Social Development (WSSD+5) was convened in Geneva shortly after the Beijing
appraisal. There were significantly less women present but they were able to
build on the gains made at the Beijing review and cement the linkages between
global trade, health and human rights in the final document.[8]
WEDO, along with other women’s caucus lobbyists, also argued successfully for
gender to be integrated throughout the text rather than concentrated into
Commitment 5, the section on Gender Equality.
The
central focus of WSSD+5 was on poverty eradication, a key concern for women
around the world. Yet so much of the energy, time and resources of the women’s
movement has been concentrated around the women’s conferences. These
conferences were and remain fundamental for setting, reviewing and reaffirming a
comprehensive global women’s agenda but we cannot afford to stop there. This
was true in 1995 but is even truer today.
The
implementation of these hard-won commitments depends on the mobilisation of
domestic and international resources. But these matters are discussed and
decided elsewhere. With hindsight it is clear that the major systemic issues
relating to macroeconomics and governance were not adequately addressed in
either the Beijing or WSSD reviews. Unfortunately, following these meetings,
many women’s organisations, along with many governments, suffered from UN
fatigue. While this is understandable—and we certainly share that fatigue—it
is critical that NGOs, and women’s organisations in particular, use the
available space at the UN that WEDO and others have fought so long and hard to
expand.
We
have few alternatives. The World Bank, the IMF and, in particular, the WTO,
provide few opportunities for participation by civil society. Women have managed
to get a tiny foothold in the World Bank with initiatives begun in Beijing,
including the establishment of national and regional watchdog groups working
under the umbrella, Women’s Eyes on the World Bank. But at the WTO, women’s
concerns are almost invisible—both in the formal meetings and even in the
larger social discussion by NGOs. To the extent that WTO officials have reached
beyond the business sector, it has been to address concerns of environmental and
labour organisations. Women’s voices, diverse perspectives and experiences are
largely absent from these debates.
The
United Nations is the most democratic and transparent international forum, with
well-established rules of procedure for NGO participation. Thus, it offers NGOs
and governments the opportunity for a serious dialogue on the current economic
system. For too long, the UN has been sidelined by the IMF, World Bank and WTO
as they aggressively pursue policies of structural adjustment, free trade and
open markets. The UN is now seeking to reassert itself as a player in this
growing debate, but it is not yet clear where it will stand.
The
Secretary General’s recent “Global Compact” initiative calls on business
leaders to support core principles derived from UN agreements on labour
standards, human rights and environmental protection in exchange for UN support
of free trade and open markets. WEDO along with many other non-governmental
organisations questions this new partnership. The United Nations was set up for
“we the people”. This does not mean it cannot have a relationship with the
transnational corporations (TNCs), but it should not have a compact with them.
The UN must seek to transform the laws under which TNCs operate within the
global architecture and speak for the needs of the people and for development.
In
2002, the UN World Conference on Financing for Development (FfD) will take place
in Mexico. An initiative of developing countries, FfD seeks to identify
financial mechanisms to support the commitments made by UN member states at the
previous world conferences. It also will undertake a discussion of the
international financial architecture and the adequacy and effectiveness of
development assistance.
Women
activists must mobilise their resources—intellectual, human and financial—to
be present in critical mass, to tell our own stories, to push for innovative
solutions and to be serious players in these global debates. We must seek to
influence not only the discussions by governments but also by mainstream NGOs,
which too often need to be reminded to include gender equality as a central
tenet of their demands.
For
women, real and lasting change requires transformation of the global economic
system, which involves both economics and governance—two sectors where women,
despite the progress we have made, still lag far behind. We can no longer sit at
the side of the table shouting to be heard. It is time to bring the gains of the
women’s conferences directly into the halls of power. This can only happen if
we are present in large enough numbers to make our demands in a stronger and
more unified voice.
We
must articulate more concretely what some of these solutions might be, going
beyond the need for more feminist analysis and gender sensitive policies. We
must also demand a broader recognition of women’s multiple roles, how
essential these roles are to society as a whole, and ways to translate these
roles in economic terms.
Notes:
[1]
United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Human
Development Report 1999. 1999.
[2]
United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM).
www.unifem.undp.org/ec_pov.htm
[3]
Women’s
Environment & Development Organisation.
[4]
First Steps: What Has Happened Since
Beijing (March 1996); Beyond
Promises: Governments in Motion One Year After the Beijing Women’s
Conference (September 1996); Promise
Kept, Promise Broken?: A Survey of Governments on National Action Plans to
Implement the Beijing Platform (March 1997; updated September 1997); Mapping Progress: Assessing Implementation of the Beijing Platform
(March 1998).
[5]
For details of the campaign, visit the WEDO website: www.wedo.org. To join
WEDO’s governance network of over 250 individuals, women’s groups and
members of parliament send an e-mail to
50/50ingovernmentnetwork@yahoogroups.com.
[6]
Poverty; Education and Training; Health; Violence; Armed Conflict; Economy;
Decision-making; Institutional Mechanisms; Human Rights; Media; Environment;
The Girl-child.
[7]
United Nations Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Whole of the
Twenty-third Special Session of the General Assembly. Supplement No. 3
(A/S-23/10/Rev.1). www.un.org/womenwatch/confer/beijing5/
[8]
United Nations Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the Whole of the
Twenty-fourth Special Session of the General Assembly. Supplement No. 3
(A/S-24/8/Rev.1). www.un.org/esa/socdev/geneva2000
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