Taking
the fight to Rome
Against the globalization of poverty
by Andrés Alsina
Some fifty people meeting in Rome
at the end of November decided that the most scandalous part
of scandal is to be resigned to it, and so, they decided,
they will carry on with their efforts. The scandal was recognized
by a summit conference of 117 governments, the largest in
history, meeting in Copenhagen in March 1995. It is possible
to eradicate poverty, they agreed, and each one of them agreed
to set up a program for political, economic and social action
to do it.
It was the first time the international
community swore to eradicate poverty and to promote social
integration and productive employment, but this would all
have remained in well-meaning and, by now, dust-laden documents
if it had not been for people like these, now meeting in an
austere and low priced convent in Rome passionately and intelligently
discussing ways and means of finding the best direction to
follow and how to organize better. Because what is scandalous
about the scandal is that poverty has not been eradicated,
even though it was possible to do so, that countries with
fewer possibilities did more to achieve that goal than the
rich countries, and that the obstacle is not a lack of resources,
but of political will.
What is more, United Nations figures
show a decrease in relative poverty, but a growth in the absolute
number of poor people, according to the report that started
the Rome assembly. Inequality in the world increased in terms
of income, employment, access to social services and participation
in public organizations. Not only did the developed countries
fail in their commitment to assist development with 0.7% of
their wealth, but they also cut down on their contribution
to help social development through the UN. “Inequality
within and among the states continues to grow,” according
to an assessment of fulfillment of the Copenhagen agreement
made in Geneva by the UN five years later in June 2000,.
The people who met in Rome six months
after that do their work by prodding governments into fulfilling
what each one of them said was possible and desirable. They
say that they see themselves as bees, because they also produce
honey. One after another of these representatives of a concerned
world described as bitter globalization and its effects, the
loss of sovereignty by governments facing the decisions of
international organizations such as the World Trade Organization,
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and the
injustice which affects millions of farmers and manufacturers.
They believe that globalization is
not inevitable. A UN forecast was mentioned: within a quarter
of a century, the World Trade Organization will have disappeared.
By then it will have caused 500 million deaths in poor countries.
The challenge is, by mobilization, to reduce this period and
reduce this cost by 80%. Some strong voices demanded that
Social Watch should not only monitor the Copenhagen agreements
but also the progress of globalization. Other voices expressed
sincere doubt: “I do not know how to change all this.
International laws will have to be changed.” What is
possible is a product of what is necessary. “The rule
of law does not justify Hitler, who acted within his own legal
system.”
These people who take on such an
overwhelming responsibility simply because it is just belong
to civil society organizations that met for the first time
in 1996, under the name of Social Watch, to monitor compliance
with the Copenhagen agreements. This network, so far the only
global network of its kind based in the South, in Uruguay,
represented Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in 13 countries.
The following year the number almost doubled, to 25, and in
the year 2000 it again almost doubled to 45 countries. This
is good news: civil society is increasingly committed to the
issue; grassroots organizations find in the network they have
organized a way to reach the forefront of international affairs,
making shared demands based on common sense, a way to have
serious dialogues with their respective governments and a
way to establish a direct relationship between demands voiced
by people at the most specific local levels and general policies
in response to these demands.
Common sense is what those
117 governments committed themselves to. For example, to guarantee
basic education, drinking water and sanitation for all, to
reduce infant mortality to one third of the 1990 figure and
to reduce military spending by a non-specified amount. The
simple task of keeping their word has not only not been fulfilled,
but is a long way off. Therefore, many of the NGOs in Social
Watch held their first meeting which, after all this time
recognized that the simple is not necessarily simple to achieve.
For this reason, the 200 organizations from 70 member countries
strengthened their institutional commitment to Social Watch.
It was done with cautious and thoughtful optimism, because
in spite of the fact that the general situation tends to worsen,
the forces opposing are becoming stronger, according to the
assessment made by the Social Watch secretariat, endorsed
by the meeting. A platform for action was achieved, which
would unite civil societies from the North and South, seek
greater discipline on the part of NGOs, create the capacity
to link local, national and international efforts and build
a strong voice in international affairs. Much of its strength
lies in the fact that the idea is very simple: that the governments
abide by what they said was possible and what they wanted
to do. People are surprised that this demand has not been
made before, since it seems so evident. What is hard to explain
to those who are at fault is that this is not being fulfilled.
But it is for this reason that those people were there, joining
efforts, insisting tenaciously that in the end, all roads
lead to Rome.
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