Privatisation: a troubling legacy
Ken Jones; Fran Bennett
UK Coalition Against Poverty
Privatisation in the UK has left a troubling legacy. Multinational corporations now control many basic services, often requiring complex regulation to protect service provision. Workforces are often reduced. Many low-paid workers in privatised sectors, particularly women, earn less and have less job security. The sale of public housing has contributed to homelessness and housing difficulties for low-income and other vulnerable groups.
Conservative
governments in the United Kingdom pioneered a highly active privatisation policy
between 1979 and 1997. This policy was driven by a belief in the superior
efficiency of private ownership and market mechanisms over state provision and a
conviction that public expenditure ‘crowds out’ private enterprise. It
followed a history of under-investment in public services in the UK.
Many
basic services were privatised, including water, gas and electricity
distribution, telecommunications and transport
(air, rail and bus), and support
and other functions throughout the public sector such as health,
education, and central and local government administration. In addition, a large
proportion of local government housing
was transferred to individual owners or other, non-governmental, housing
providers. Privatisation was also extended into such areas as skills training,
public health laboratories, and even the operation of prisons. The emphasis in
pensions, long-term personal care and childcare increasingly shifted towards
private provision as well.
Under
Labour governments since 1997 the pace of outright privatisation has slowed, but
the emphasis has instead been on private financing and operation of state
capital projects such as new hospitals and schools, partly in order to keep
public borrowing down.
Privatisation
in the UK has left a troubling legacy. Multinational corporations now control
many basic services, often requiring complex regulation to protect service
provision. Workforces are often reduced. Many
low-paid workers in privatised sectors, particularly women, earn less and have
less job security. The sale of public housing has contributed to homelessness
and housing difficulties for low-income and other vulnerable groups. There is
reduced potential for pooling of risks and redistribution towards low-income
groups in private pensions.
Despite
public opinion against this policy, governments in the UK for the last two
decades have allowed private corporations to acquire a key role in providing
formerly government-run services. Restrictions on domestic regulation resulting
from international treaty commitments, such as the World Trade Organisation’s
General Agreement on Trade in Services, may in future prevent UK governments
from pursuing their own measures of social control over services which are
essential to the daily lives of millions of citizens.
Basic
utility services
Most
of the basic utility services -
water and sewerage, energy supply, and telecommunications -
were privatised during the 1980s. State enterprises were typically reconstituted
as private corporations, and shares were then sold to individuals.
Since
privatisation, ownership has in many cases been transferred and consolidated, so
that multinational companies (often based outside the UK) now hold controlling
interests in much of the water and energy supply industries. In addition,
markets have frequently been opened to new private corporations that compete
with former state-owned monopolies, further undermining the potential for social
control over services.
Privatisation
has had significant effects on employment in affected service sectors. In the
years following privatisation, employment levels fell substantially in areas
such as water and sewerage.[1]
In addition, those workers remaining in privatised industries often suffered
deteriorating employment conditions and loss of trade union rights.[2]
State
regulators frequently imposed price limits on the new private corporations, but
they also had to take into account the interests of private shareholders in
maximising profits and dividends and the need to generate significant new
investment capital as, for example, in the water and sewerage industry.[3]
Consumer groups have
regularly challenged price levels for privatised services,[4]
though some prices have decreased. There
have also been continuing concerns about the effectiveness of regulation in
protecting services to vulnerable groups such as elderly and disabled people[5] and the discriminatory effect of some pricing and
billing practices on low-income groups.[6]
In the case of water supply, there have been general price reductions since
privatisation;[7] but there has also been an extension of water metering,
which is often more expensive for low-income groups.[8]
In
transport, rail privatisation proved disastrous.
A fragmented private ownership structure was imposed, further
discouraging investment needed to compensate for decades of neglect. Small train
companies lacked the same access to investment capital as larger ones, and all
operators suffered from the relatively short duration of initial franchises. Two
major rail disasters heightened concerns about safety. The main infrastructure
company (responsible for stations, track and signals) suffered repeated
financial crises before finally collapsing in 2001. Privatisation of bus
services, on which low-income groups rely heavily, has led to concerns about
prices, environmental damage, and loss of transport services to rural areas.[9]
Support
and administrative functions within public services
Some of
the most damaging effects of privatisation on workers were caused by the
'contracting out' of support and administrative functions within public services
to private companies. Many of the affected workers were women and ethnic
minorities.
In
the civil service (providing central state functions), a workforce of around
50,000 was employed in 1980 in various office support services such as cleaning,
catering and security. During the following decade, these jobs were almost
entirely contracted out to private companies. The central government later
imposed a similar contracting out policy on local governments and the health
service.
Workers
transferred to private contractors frequently faced layoffs, wage cuts, poorer
conditions, and the loss of trade union representation. Women workers suffered
disproportionately.[10]
Research on privatisation in areas such as local government services has shown
that attempts to maximise profits can also pose significant risks to service
users.[11]
The decline of cleaning standards in hospitals, for example, had reached such a
state by 2001 that a special government initiative was required to improve them.
In electronic data management there has been a string of failures by private
contractors in such areas as child support payments, immigration records, the
issuing of passports, and most recently criminal record checks, in some cases
damaging the quality of service for those on low incomes.
Housing
During
the 1980s, Conservative governments embarked on the ‘privatisation’ of
housing that was owned by local state authorities and rented to those unable to
buy or rent housing on their own. Properties were offered for sale to sitting tenants at prices
significantly below their market value. Altogether, 2.4 million houses were sold
between 1979 and 2001, either to their tenants or to other providers such as
housing associations, leaving 2.75 million under state ownership.[12]
This
‘privatisation’ -- combined with inadequate investment in new public housing
and a change from more general rent subsidy to means-tested income support only
for the poor -- has created an acute shortage of affordable housing for
low-income or other vulnerable groups such as unemployed and elderly people and
lone parents.[13]
Transfer of council housing (owned by local governments) to housing associations
(not-for-profit organisations outside
the state sector) was intended to allow borrowing on the open market, but
was resisted by many tenants, especially in Scotland. There are also chronic
difficulties in recruiting essential public services staff in areas where these
relatively low-income workers cannot afford to buy houses.
Some
state housing remains, but its tenants consist mainly of those at the lowest end
of the income scale, who are unable to buy their houses even at discounted
rates, or those in housing stock so poor, or in areas so deprived, that
purchasing is undesirable.[14]
Pensions
Conservative
governments reduced the value of basic state pensions compared to earnings
levels and halved future rights under the state earnings-related pension scheme,
instead promoting private pension plans, under which individuals pay
contributions to private insurance companies. The resulting mistrust of state
pension provision has made it difficult to reverse the trend toward more
privatisation.
Labour's
approach
The
Labour (centre-left) governments since 1997 have decreased outright
privatisation, relaxed the compulsory contracting-out policies in central and
local state services, and extended employment protection legislation.
But
there has instead been a significant expansion in 'private finance' or
'public-private partnership' schemes, under which capital projects are financed
by, and the facilities often then managed by, private corporations; and in other
schemes designed to allow the private sector to take over the operation of
existing public facilities, such as 'failing' schools.
The
continuing emphasis on private finance schemes poses some dangers for the
long-term future of public projects. Researchers examining hospital buildings,
for example, have suggested that public sector capital projects are most
efficiently financed through state-issued loans: the additional financing costs
of private schemes (which are always dearer because of the risk element) will
therefore have to be paid for by the next generation through higher taxes and
contributions.[15]
Often there is not a real ‘transfer of risk’ to the private sector, as the
state remains the banker of last resort.
In
housing, Labour has reduced discounts on local authority housing sales and
allowed some of the resulting revenues to be spent on new housing, but has
continued to encourage stock transfer to private housing associations. In
pensions, Labour has a specific policy aim of shifting the balance of provision
further towards the private sector. Redistribution between groups with different
incomes or levels of risk is likely to become more limited; state provision is
increasingly restricted to those on low incomes.
Despite
continuing opposition from trade unions and other groups, the Labour government
remains strongly committed to private finance schemes, which it regards as
essential to reversing past under-investment in public services.[16]
The
future
The
UK is now bound by its obligations under European Union treaties (principally
Maastricht, 1992) that give legal form to a 'single European market' in goods
and services. These treaties are partly designed to prevent individual member
states intervening in domestic industries or services in a way that infringes
free cross-border competition.
In
addition, the Labour government is currently considering applying for UK
membership (subject to a referendum) of the European single currency, which
would entail an obligation to abide by limits on public borrowing under the
European 'Stability and Growth Pact'. There is widespread concern, even among
some supporters of membership, that this would restrict individual
governments’ ability to invest sufficiently in the infrastructure necessary
for public services.
Current
negotiations to extend the General Agreement on Trade and Services (GATS) and to
liberalise service provision at the international level also threaten to prevent
any UK government, now or in the future, taking action to remedy the effects of
decades of neglect and under-funding in basic services that affect the lives of
all its citizens. A revised GATS threatens to limit domestic regulation and the
ability of the government to channel public funds to meet social need.[17]
Popular
opinion in the UK has consistently opposed the privatisation of public services.[18] Many groups, including trade unions, professional
associations and consumer organisations, continue to campaign against
privatisation. Yet action to restore social control and public accountability
over basic services will in the future increasingly depend on co-ordinated
efforts at the European and global levels.[19]
Anne Power and Katharine Mumford, The Slow Death of Great Cities? Urban
Abandonment or Urban Renaissance, York Publishing Services for Joseph
Rowntree Foundation, 1999;
http://www.jrf.org.uk/knowledge/findings/housing/519.asp.
Dexter Whitfield, Public Services or Corporate Welfare: Rethinking the Nation State in the Global Economy,
Pluto Press, 2001; www.centre.public.org.uk/briefings/pfi_and_ppp.html#wto.
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